Ambedkar: Meet the Superman of 20th Century
On: 28 May, 2020
Index
1. Early life and Struggle of Ambedkar
2. Ambedkar on Religion
3. Ambedkar and Caste system
4. Ambedkar as a champion of Social Justice
5. Ambedkar on Democracy
6. Ambedkar and Navayana
7. Ambedkar’s Death and contribution to society
1. Early life and Struggle of Ambedkar
2. Ambedkar on Religion
3. Ambedkar and Caste system
4. Ambedkar as a champion of Social Justice
5. Ambedkar on Democracy
6. Ambedkar and Navayana
7. Ambedkar’s Death and contribution to society
Fun Facts about Ambedkar:
Fun Fact 1: DR BR Ambedkar is having so many degrees related to his study that It is often said that It's impossible to say the name of all his degrees in a single breath.
Fun Fact 2: One of the Books Written by Ambedkar is part of the Syllabus of Columbia University.
Fun Fact 3: Ambedkar completed 8 years of study in London School of Economics within just 2 years and 3 months. He uses to study around 20 hours those days.
Fun Fact 4: Ambedkar is often named as the best student at Columbia University.
Fun Fact 1: DR BR Ambedkar is having so many degrees related to his study that It is often said that It's impossible to say the name of all his degrees in a single breath.
Fun Fact 2: One of the Books Written by Ambedkar is part of the Syllabus of Columbia University.
Fun Fact 3: Ambedkar completed 8 years of study in London School of Economics within just 2 years and 3 months. He uses to study around 20 hours those days.
Fun Fact 4: Ambedkar is often named as the best student at Columbia University.
Early Life and struggle of Ambedkar
B.R. Ambedkar was born on 14th April 1891 Mhow, Central Province (Now Madhya Pradesh), British India. He belonged to a community which was historically deprived and denied their rights and just were born to serve the upper caste popularly known to be Mahar. He studied in Elphinstone College, University Bombay and post-graduated from the University of Columbia, first Indian from his background. He did his major in economics from London School of economics and later completed a D. Sc. in Economics and Barrister in law degree from Gray’s Inn.
Ambedkar was a true inspiration for millions of his followers all over the world
[Image Credit: Columbia University]
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar childhood and early youth were marked with experience of violence, Bigotry, prejudices. He could not seat with his upper-caste friend, not allowed to access the tap which was reserved for upper caste. He could not study Sanskrit because of his Mahar background. He has faced Untouchability everywhere throughout his life which was practised by Brahmins. Untouchables were not allowed to access the public pond or temple as a social place. In against those rigorous practices BR Ambedkar initiated a temple entry Satyagraha at Kalaram to allow Dalits entry into temple; also in the year 1927 initiated Mahar Satyagraha to have access of water from Chavdar Tank for untouchables. The day 20 march is observed as Social empowerment day in India.
Ambedkar dedicated his entire life for the upliftment of lower caste. He proposes a strong opinion against Gandhi at Round Table conferences for reservation of seats to untouchables like it’s given to Muslim and Christians. But Ambedkar faces a setback as Gandhi was against Ambedkar proposal and sat for fast unto death, Ambedkar had to compromise with Gandhi at Poona (now Pune) pact for the reservation of seats for untouchables as a part of Hindu religion in provincial councils. Witnessing the condition of untouchables their position and status in Hindu religion he declared, he was born Hindu but not going to die the same. He married to Ramabai at a very early age; it was a part of custom in Hindu society.
Ambedkar on Religion
For BR Ambedkar (popularly known to be Babasaheb) religion was not an important part of his life rather the people, humanity, their liberty, equality and fraternity, which he took from Buddha, not French Revolution. He never believed in the sanctity of religious scripture such as Vedas, Smritis, Ramayana, Geeta and Puranas etc. As he says “the present is due to the products. The past is, he suggests, what is written in the texts, and it is this textual past that is being used to shore up the present system of inequality to prevent people from making progress.” According to him, Hinduism as a religion discriminated against its people based on Caste and their occupation, purity and pollution. There is no respect for individuals, since birth they are categorised into a certain occupation where there is no mobility as such, he opines the caste system is a division of labourers and further divided into privileged and subject class.
He vociferously attacked the Brahminical order which was based on Birth and heredity,
He vociferously attacked the Brahminical order which was based on Birth and heredity,
- Brahmins (priestly class);
- Kshatriyas(ruler);
- Vaishyas (Business class); and final
- Shudras (just for menial jobs)
It was based on the principle of graded inequality and very condensed social order; you have to be where you are born into. There was no way anyone can get out of this system.
BR Ambedkar always emphasised on the condition of women in a society that they do not have property rights, treated like a slave under husband, son and father, they are just asked to perform household chores and take care of children and elderly person, Ambedkar says how a society like this co-exist? Where half of the population don’t have respect for self, no dignified life. Can they live their life according to their voices?
BR Ambedkar always emphasised on the condition of women in a society that they do not have property rights, treated like a slave under husband, son and father, they are just asked to perform household chores and take care of children and elderly person, Ambedkar says how a society like this co-exist? Where half of the population don’t have respect for self, no dignified life. Can they live their life according to their voices?
After taking an oath to be first Law minister of independent India, he tried to improve the condition of women in Hindu society by introducing radical “Hindu code Bill” but he faced strong criticism from the opposition of orthodox and conservative Hindu right which leads to rejection of Bill, ultimately he resigned as a law minister.
During the constituent assembly debates, he stated, “I personally do not understand why religion should be given this vast, expansive, jurisdiction, so as to cover the whole of life and to prevent the legislature from encroaching upon the field. After all, what are we having this liberty for? We are having this liberty in order to reform our social system, which is full of inequality, discrimination and other things, which conflict with our fundamental rights.”
BR Ambedkar interpreted religion in the context of Dalit their prevailing socio-cultural position in the society and what could be the way to emancipate individuals and make the society much righteous, always dreamed of to make society secular where the individuality needs to give more priority rather than custom, caste, tradition and religion.
BR Ambedkar interpreted religion in the context of Dalit their prevailing socio-cultural position in the society and what could be the way to emancipate individuals and make the society much righteous, always dreamed of to make society secular where the individuality needs to give more priority rather than custom, caste, tradition and religion.
Lastly, he focused on why people convert into another religion as he mentioned four things:-
According to BR Ambedkar, there is no need for religion in human’s life if it is certainly not respecting the choice and dignity of an individual.
- Rights of the integrity of an individual
- Fulfilment of livelihood
- Freedom, enjoy civil and political liberty
- Equal status in society
According to BR Ambedkar, there is no need for religion in human’s life if it is certainly not respecting the choice and dignity of an individual.
BR Ambedkar and Caste system
The annual conference organised by Jat pat Todak Mandal (Society for the abolition of caste) a Hindu reformist group on December 12, 1935, having Ambedkar as its chief speaker and guest. Ambedkar sent his speech to concern committee by the title ‘Annihilation of caste’; the Committee asked Ambedkar to delete some of the paragraphs as it was against Hindu religion and may hurt the sentiments of people. Ambedkar replied them that he “would not change even a comma” the seminar got cancelled Later on he published book by himself and took some harsh and brutal attack on caste System and its defenders.
As he says in his book Annihilation of caste, “it is a pity that Caste even today has its defender.” Social reform in India has few friends and many critics. It was at one time recognised that without social efficiency no permanent progress in the other fields of activity was possible, that owing to mischief wrought by the evil customs, Hindu Society was not in a state of efficiency and that ceaseless effort must be made to eradicate these evils.
It is a pity that Caste even today has its defenders. The defences are many. It is defended on the ground that the Caste System is but another name for a division of labour and if a division of labour is a necessary feature of every civilised society, then it is argued that there is nothing wrong in the Caste System. Now the first thing is to be urged against this view is that the Caste System is not merely a division of labour. It is also a division of labourers. Civilised society undoubtedly needs a division of labour. But in no civilised society is a division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into watertight compartments. Caste System is not merely a division of labourers which is quite different from division of labour—it is a hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other. In no other country is the division of labour accompanied by this gradation of labourers.
It is a pity that Caste even today has its defenders. The defences are many. It is defended on the ground that the Caste System is but another name for a division of labour and if a division of labour is a necessary feature of every civilised society, then it is argued that there is nothing wrong in the Caste System. Now the first thing is to be urged against this view is that the Caste System is not merely a division of labour. It is also a division of labourers. Civilised society undoubtedly needs a division of labour. But in no civilised society is a division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into watertight compartments. Caste System is not merely a division of labourers which is quite different from division of labour—it is a hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other. In no other country is the division of labour accompanied by this gradation of labourers.
There is also a third point of criticism against this view of the Caste System. This division of labour is not spontaneous; it is not based on natural aptitudes. Social and individual efficiency requires us to develop the capacity of an individual to the point of competency to choose and to make his career. This principle is violated in the Caste System in so far as it involves an attempt to appoint tasks to individuals in advance, selected not based on trained original capacities, but on that of the social status of the parents. Looked at from another point of view this stratification of occupations which is the result of the Caste System is positively pernicious. The industry is never static. It undergoes rapid and abrupt changes. With such changes, an individual must be free to change his occupation. Without such freedom to adjust him to changing circumstances, it would be impossible for him to gain his livelihood.
Now the Caste System will not allow Hindus to take to occupations where they are wanted if they do not belong to them by heredity. If a Hindu is seen to starve rather than take to new occupations not assigned to his Caste, the reason is to be found in the Caste System. By not permitting readjustment of occupations, caste becomes a direct cause of much of the unemployment we see in the country.
Caste does not bring about the division of labour; it brings about division of labourers.
As a form of division of labour, the Caste system suffers from another serious defect. The division of labour brought about by the Caste System is not a division based on choice. The individual sentiment, individual preference has no place in it. It is based on the dogma of predestination. Considerations of social efficiency would compel us to recognise that the greatest evil in the industrial system is not: so much poverty and the suffering that it involves as the fact that so many persons have callings which do not appeal to those who are engaged in them. Such callings constantly provoke one to aversion, ill will and the desire to evade.
There is also a third point of criticism against this view of the Caste System. This division of labour is not spontaneous; it is not based on natural aptitudes. Social and individual efficiency requires us to develop the capacity of an individual to the point of competency to choose and to make his career. This principle is violated in the Caste System in so far as it involves an attempt to appoint tasks to individuals in advance, selected not based on trained original capacities, but on that of the social status of the parents. Looked at from another point of view this stratification of occupations which is the result of the Caste System is positively pernicious. The industry is never static. It undergoes rapid and abrupt changes. With such changes, an individual must be free to change his occupation. Without such freedom to adjust him to changing circumstances, it would be impossible for him to gain his livelihood.
Now the Caste System will not allow Hindus to take to occupations where they are wanted if they do not belong to them by heredity. If a Hindu is seen to starve rather than take to new occupations not assigned to his Caste, the reason is to be found in the Caste System. By not permitting readjustment of occupations, caste becomes a direct cause of much of the unemployment we see in the country.
Caste does not bring about the division of labour; it brings about division of labourers.
As a form of division of labour, the Caste system suffers from another serious defect. The division of labour brought about by the Caste System is not a division based on choice. The individual sentiment, individual preference has no place in it. It is based on the dogma of predestination. Considerations of social efficiency would compel us to recognise that the greatest evil in the industrial system is not: so much poverty and the suffering that it involves as the fact that so many persons have callings which do not appeal to those who are engaged in them. Such callings constantly provoke one to aversion, ill will and the desire to evade.
There are many occupations in India which since they are regarded as degraded by the Hindus provoke those who are engaged in them to aversion. There is a constant desire to evade and escape from such occupations which arise solely because of the blighting effect which they produce upon those who follow them owing to the slight and stigma cast upon them by the Hindu religion. What efficiency can there be in a system under which neither men’s hearts nor their minds are in their work? As an economic organisation Caste is, therefore, a harmful institution, since, it involves the subordination of man’s natural powers and inclinations to the exigencies of social rules.
It does not preserve “racial purity”
Some have dug a biological trench in defence of the Caste System. It is said that the object of Caste was to preserve the purity of race and purity of blood. Now ethnologists are of the opinion that men of pure race exist nowhere. There has been a mixture of all races in all parts of the world. Especially is this the case with the people of India. Mr DR Bhandarkar in his paper on Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population has stated that “There is hardly a class or Caste in India which has not a foreign strain in it. There is an admixture of alien blood not only among the warrior classes—the Rajputs and the Marathas—but also among the Brahmins who are under the happy delusion that they are free from all foreign elements.”
The Caste system cannot be said to have grown as a means of preventing the admixture of races or as a means of maintaining the purity of blood. As a matter of fact, the Caste system came into being long after the different races of India had commingled in blood and culture. To hold that distinction of Castes or distinctions of race and to treat different Castes as though they were so many different races is a gross perversion of facts. What racial affinity is there between the Brahmin of the Punjab and the Brahmin of Madras? What racial affinity is there between the untouchable of Bengal and the untouchable of Madras? What racial difference is there between the Brahmin of the Punjab and the Chamar of Punjab? What racial difference is there between the Brahmin of Madras and the Pariah of Madras?
“Virtue has become caste-ridden, and morality has become, caste-bound.”
Caste has killed the public spirit. Caste has destroyed the sense of public charity. Caste has made public opinion impossible. A Hindu’s public is his caste. His responsibility is only to his caste. His loyalty is restricted only to his caste. Virtue has become caste-ridden, and morality has become, caste-bound. There is no sympathy to the deserving. There is no appreciation of the meritorious. There is no charity to the needy. Suffering as such calls for no response. There is a charity, but it begins with the caste and ends with the caste. There is sympathy but not for men of another caste. Would a Hindu acknowledge and follow the leadership of a great and good man? The case of a Mahatma apart, the answer must be that he will follow a leader if he is a man of his caste. A Brahmin will follow a leader only if he is a Brahmin, a Kayastha if he is a Kayastha and so on.
Some have dug a biological trench in defence of the Caste System. It is said that the object of Caste was to preserve the purity of race and purity of blood. Now ethnologists are of the opinion that men of pure race exist nowhere. There has been a mixture of all races in all parts of the world. Especially is this the case with the people of India. Mr DR Bhandarkar in his paper on Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population has stated that “There is hardly a class or Caste in India which has not a foreign strain in it. There is an admixture of alien blood not only among the warrior classes—the Rajputs and the Marathas—but also among the Brahmins who are under the happy delusion that they are free from all foreign elements.”
The Caste system cannot be said to have grown as a means of preventing the admixture of races or as a means of maintaining the purity of blood. As a matter of fact, the Caste system came into being long after the different races of India had commingled in blood and culture. To hold that distinction of Castes or distinctions of race and to treat different Castes as though they were so many different races is a gross perversion of facts. What racial affinity is there between the Brahmin of the Punjab and the Brahmin of Madras? What racial affinity is there between the untouchable of Bengal and the untouchable of Madras? What racial difference is there between the Brahmin of the Punjab and the Chamar of Punjab? What racial difference is there between the Brahmin of Madras and the Pariah of Madras?
“Virtue has become caste-ridden, and morality has become, caste-bound.”
Caste has killed the public spirit. Caste has destroyed the sense of public charity. Caste has made public opinion impossible. A Hindu’s public is his caste. His responsibility is only to his caste. His loyalty is restricted only to his caste. Virtue has become caste-ridden, and morality has become, caste-bound. There is no sympathy to the deserving. There is no appreciation of the meritorious. There is no charity to the needy. Suffering as such calls for no response. There is a charity, but it begins with the caste and ends with the caste. There is sympathy but not for men of another caste. Would a Hindu acknowledge and follow the leadership of a great and good man? The case of a Mahatma apart, the answer must be that he will follow a leader if he is a man of his caste. A Brahmin will follow a leader only if he is a Brahmin, a Kayastha if he is a Kayastha and so on.
You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste.”
There is no doubt; in my opinion, that unless you change your social order you can achieve little by way of progress. You cannot mobilise the community either for defence or for the offence. You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a nation; you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.
You must make your efforts to uproot Caste, if not in my way, then in your way. Caste is no doubt primarily the breath of the Hindus. But the Hindus have fouled the air all over, and everybody is infected, Sikh, Muslim and Christian. You, therefore, deserve the support of all those who are suffering from this infection, Sikh, Muslim and Christian. Yours is more difficult than the other national cause, namely Swaraj. In the fight for Swaraj, you fight with the whole nation on your side. In this, you have to fight against the whole nation and that too, your own. But it is more important than Swaraj. There is no use having Swaraj if you cannot defend it. More important than the question of defending Swaraj is the question of defending the Hindus under the Swaraj. In my opinion only when the Hindu Society becomes a casteless society that it can hope to have strength enough to defend itself. Without such internal strength, Swaraj for Hindus may turn out to be only a step towards slavery.
Ambedkar also emphasized that the caste system is acting against the capability of an individual. He held Manusmriti as the principal architect of the caste system in Hinduism. In protest against Manusmriti, he burnt it on 25 December 1927. He was criticised badly and he has to face the heat of orthodox Brahmins, who were in support of Manusmriti. Gandhi was against him as well.
There is no doubt; in my opinion, that unless you change your social order you can achieve little by way of progress. You cannot mobilise the community either for defence or for the offence. You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a nation; you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.
You must make your efforts to uproot Caste, if not in my way, then in your way. Caste is no doubt primarily the breath of the Hindus. But the Hindus have fouled the air all over, and everybody is infected, Sikh, Muslim and Christian. You, therefore, deserve the support of all those who are suffering from this infection, Sikh, Muslim and Christian. Yours is more difficult than the other national cause, namely Swaraj. In the fight for Swaraj, you fight with the whole nation on your side. In this, you have to fight against the whole nation and that too, your own. But it is more important than Swaraj. There is no use having Swaraj if you cannot defend it. More important than the question of defending Swaraj is the question of defending the Hindus under the Swaraj. In my opinion only when the Hindu Society becomes a casteless society that it can hope to have strength enough to defend itself. Without such internal strength, Swaraj for Hindus may turn out to be only a step towards slavery.
Ambedkar also emphasized that the caste system is acting against the capability of an individual. He held Manusmriti as the principal architect of the caste system in Hinduism. In protest against Manusmriti, he burnt it on 25 December 1927. He was criticised badly and he has to face the heat of orthodox Brahmins, who were in support of Manusmriti. Gandhi was against him as well.
BR Ambedkar as a champion of Social Justice
Dr Ambedkar was the champion of Social Justice in India throughout his life he propagated the idea of liberty, equality and fraternity for all human beings. These ideas of social justice denote brotherly relations of a citizen in society: and it abhors caste barriers between men and women and demands respect for all citizen from everyone. As the chief architect of the Indian Constitution, he tried to bring justice through it, as the preamble of the constitution says,
“Justice, social, economic and political;
Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship;
Equality of status and of opportunity and to promote among them all;
Fraternity assuring the dignity of individuals and unity,
Integrity of the nation…………….”
He will be remembered for the champion of women’s right, their education, the abolition of devadasi system, rights of labour, right to a depressed section of the society or everywhere, he talked about developing the Nation through humanism where individuals are given equal status in the society.
“Justice, social, economic and political;
Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship;
Equality of status and of opportunity and to promote among them all;
Fraternity assuring the dignity of individuals and unity,
Integrity of the nation…………….”
He will be remembered for the champion of women’s right, their education, the abolition of devadasi system, rights of labour, right to a depressed section of the society or everywhere, he talked about developing the Nation through humanism where individuals are given equal status in the society.
He was influenced by his professor John Dewey, an American philosopher, reformer and educationalist, as Ambedkar visualised a democratic political system based on ‘one man one vote’ as the chief architect of constitution. He advocated that the untouchability could be removed, and India Could be a true ‘nation’ with fraternal unity after the destruction of the caste system. Education was the basic component to built a democratic society, and government must take initiative to provide affordable education to every individual despite their background, A nation cannot develop until She addresses the issue of social justice, where people can dine with each other, marry according to their choice. he meant the promotion of inter-caste marriage and choice of individuals must be respected at any cost over caste and religion.
BR Ambedkar on Democracy
Abraham Lincoln once said, “As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses the idea of Democracy.” Philosophers, political scientist, have given a different opinion about democracy. A tireless champion of human rights and a staunch believer in democracy, Dr BR Ambedkar says, “Democracy is not form of government, but a form of political organisation.”
BR Ambedkar was among the hardcore advocater of democracy and constitutional methods. He wanted to establish democracy in India which persists of political, social and economic, but he more focused on social democracy which talks of acceptance of all. According to him was, as a way of life based on liberty, fraternity, justice and human dignity. In order to bring social justice in society, he has given the idea of protection to the untouchables under constitutional provisions, which to bring equality. He says since some section within Hindu religion has been historically maligned of their rights their conditions were like slaves and treated as a secondary citizen, so they need special provision and protection from Constitution to uplift their status.
According to him, democracy, especially social democracy is the main idea for establishing a discrimination-free and just society. As he says, “The root of untouchability is the caste system; the root of the caste system is religion attached to ‘varna’ and ‘ashram’ and the root of ‘varnashrama’ is Brahminical religion, and the root of Brahminical religion is authoritarian or political power.”
(Annihilation of caste: 1936)
BR Ambedkar was among the hardcore advocater of democracy and constitutional methods. He wanted to establish democracy in India which persists of political, social and economic, but he more focused on social democracy which talks of acceptance of all. According to him was, as a way of life based on liberty, fraternity, justice and human dignity. In order to bring social justice in society, he has given the idea of protection to the untouchables under constitutional provisions, which to bring equality. He says since some section within Hindu religion has been historically maligned of their rights their conditions were like slaves and treated as a secondary citizen, so they need special provision and protection from Constitution to uplift their status.
According to him, democracy, especially social democracy is the main idea for establishing a discrimination-free and just society. As he says, “The root of untouchability is the caste system; the root of the caste system is religion attached to ‘varna’ and ‘ashram’ and the root of ‘varnashrama’ is Brahminical religion, and the root of Brahminical religion is authoritarian or political power.”
(Annihilation of caste: 1936)
Ambedkar and Navayana
DR. Ambedkar once said, “Unfortunately I was born a Hindu (untouchable) but I shall not die a Hindu” at Yeola conference 1935.
As he said upper caste still not ready to accept untouchables in the mainstream. In the year 1956 with his thousand and thousand of followers gathered at Deeksha Bhoomi, Nagpur contradictory the place was the main centre for Hindu right RSS ( Rashtriya swayamsewak Sangh), he converted into Buddhism renouncing Hinduism by taking 21 vows and these could liberate converts from superstition, wasteful and meaningful rituals, present in the Hinduism.
As he said upper caste still not ready to accept untouchables in the mainstream. In the year 1956 with his thousand and thousand of followers gathered at Deeksha Bhoomi, Nagpur contradictory the place was the main centre for Hindu right RSS ( Rashtriya swayamsewak Sangh), he converted into Buddhism renouncing Hinduism by taking 21 vows and these could liberate converts from superstition, wasteful and meaningful rituals, present in the Hinduism.
His 21 vows are:-
1. I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh nor shall I worship them.
2. I shall have no faith in Rama and Krishna who are believed to be an incarnation of God nor shall I worship them.
3. I shall have no faith in ‘Gauri’, Ganapati and other gods and goddesses of Hindus nor shall I worship them.
4. I do not believe in the incarnation of God.
5. I do not and shall not believe that Lord Buddha was the incarnation of Vishnu. I believe this to be sheer madness and false propaganda.
6. I shall not perform ‘Shraddha’ nor shall I give ‘pind-dan’.
7. I shall not act in a manner violating the principles and teachings of the Buddha.
8. I shall not allow any ceremonies to be performed by Brahmins.
9. I shall believe in the equality of man.
10. I shall endeavour to establish equality.
11. I shall follow the ‘noble eightfold path’ of the Buddha.
12. I shall follow the ‘paramitas’ prescribed by the Buddha.
13. I shall have compassion and loving-kindness for all living beings and protect them.
14. I shall not steal.
15. I shall not tell lies.
16. I shall not commit carnal sins.
17. I shall not take intoxicants like liquor, drugs etc.
18. I shall endeavour to follow the noble eightfold path and practise compassion and loving-kindness in everyday life.
19. I renounce Hinduism which is harmful to humanity and impedes the advancement and development of humanity because it is based on inequality, and adopt Buddhism as my religion.
20. I firmly believe the Dhamma of the Buddha is the only true religion.
21. I believe that I am having a re-birth
1. I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh nor shall I worship them.
2. I shall have no faith in Rama and Krishna who are believed to be an incarnation of God nor shall I worship them.
3. I shall have no faith in ‘Gauri’, Ganapati and other gods and goddesses of Hindus nor shall I worship them.
4. I do not believe in the incarnation of God.
5. I do not and shall not believe that Lord Buddha was the incarnation of Vishnu. I believe this to be sheer madness and false propaganda.
6. I shall not perform ‘Shraddha’ nor shall I give ‘pind-dan’.
7. I shall not act in a manner violating the principles and teachings of the Buddha.
8. I shall not allow any ceremonies to be performed by Brahmins.
9. I shall believe in the equality of man.
10. I shall endeavour to establish equality.
11. I shall follow the ‘noble eightfold path’ of the Buddha.
12. I shall follow the ‘paramitas’ prescribed by the Buddha.
13. I shall have compassion and loving-kindness for all living beings and protect them.
14. I shall not steal.
15. I shall not tell lies.
16. I shall not commit carnal sins.
17. I shall not take intoxicants like liquor, drugs etc.
18. I shall endeavour to follow the noble eightfold path and practise compassion and loving-kindness in everyday life.
19. I renounce Hinduism which is harmful to humanity and impedes the advancement and development of humanity because it is based on inequality, and adopt Buddhism as my religion.
20. I firmly believe the Dhamma of the Buddha is the only true religion.
21. I believe that I am having a re-birth
From that year he started a new school of thought within Buddhism famously known to be ‘Navayana’ and its follower came from different parts of the country and some outside as well.
Ambedkar’s Death and contribution to society
Dr BR Ambedkar died on December 6, 1956, in Delhi that day known to be Mahaparinirvan. He was influenced by his mentor John Dewey, Savitribai Phule, Jyotiba Phule, Buddha etc. He has written many books published literary works such as who were Shudras, Annihilation of caste, Riddles in Hinduism, The problem of the rupee, The Buddha and his Dhamma, The untouchables, castes in India, Buddha or Karl Marx philosophy of Hinduism and many more. He said how we (India) can grow without addressing the caste issues.
He was also champion of Labour rights in India initiated many programs to implement Labour laws in India; he was the founder of Independent Labour Party, scheduled castes federation and Republican Party of India.
To provide the platform and raise the voices of Dalits he started his newspaper Mooknayak 1930, Bahiskrit Bharat 1927, Janta 1930, Prabuddha Bharat 1956. In the year 1990, he was awarded Bharat Ratna posthumously, highest civilian award in India. His activism gave voice to downtrodden class to seek social justice and fight against prejudices which were propagated by Brahmins.
To provide the platform and raise the voices of Dalits he started his newspaper Mooknayak 1930, Bahiskrit Bharat 1927, Janta 1930, Prabuddha Bharat 1956. In the year 1990, he was awarded Bharat Ratna posthumously, highest civilian award in India. His activism gave voice to downtrodden class to seek social justice and fight against prejudices which were propagated by Brahmins.
He always dreamt of modern India to be followed on the path of social democracy, morality, rule of law, prejudices free society, no discrimination, equal respect to women, respect to people’s choice and their occupation and no untouchability.
In the constituent assembly debates he says, “We are going to enter a life of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality…”
He died but left a valuable and strong idea for the inspiration of masses especially the women and Dalits in the Hindu strata. He gave India one of the finest Constitutions in the world, a document to bring social justice and feeling of Brotherhood in the country. He was a real hero country have ever witnessed. His last word to untouchables /Dalits /lower caste /deprived class was EDUCATE, AGITATE and ORGANISE.
In the constituent assembly debates he says, “We are going to enter a life of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality…”
He died but left a valuable and strong idea for the inspiration of masses especially the women and Dalits in the Hindu strata. He gave India one of the finest Constitutions in the world, a document to bring social justice and feeling of Brotherhood in the country. He was a real hero country have ever witnessed. His last word to untouchables /Dalits /lower caste /deprived class was EDUCATE, AGITATE and ORGANISE.
